Engineers and the Zulu War 1879

Origins of the Zulu War

In 1806, during the Napoleonic Wars, Britain secured the Cape of Good Hope to safeguard the sea-route to India and Cape Colony was subsequently settled. In 1842 Natal Province, bordering the Indian Ocean, became a British Colony in order to deny a sea- port for the Boer settlers, who were of Dutch origin and had settled in the Cape in the 17th Century. Britain was concerned that a sea-port in Boer hands could be of use to European rivals as a foothold in South Africa. These colonies were something of a back water until the discovery of diamonds at Kimberley, in the Boer Republic of Orange Free State, in 1868.

British interest in South Africa was re-awakened. The conditions for the exploitation and development of the potential wealth of South Africa would be greatly enhanced by the unity of the often conflicting groups comprising South Africa. Transvaal (another Boer Republic) was annexed by Britain in 1877 on the justification of the State's bankruptcy. With this annexation, Britain inherited a border dispute between Transvaal and Zululand.

In 1876 Sir Henry Bartle Frere (1815-1884) had been appointed as British High Commissioner for South Africa and he realised that in order to further British Imperial interests in a Confederation of South Africa, Zulu military power, which, although no match for a modern European Power, was still a powerful threat, would have to be broken by war. Frere had a plan drawn up for an invasion of Zululand and had British troops, who had recently taken part in a small campaign in the Cape, moved to the border with Zululand. A 'Causus Belli' was now required and it was not long before one was provided. In 1878, a force of Zulus led by sons of an important chief called Sihayo crossed into the British Colony of Natal to recapture two runaway wives of the chief. The two women were caught and on their return to Zululand were put to death. Frere demanded that those who had invaded British territory and "kidnapped" the two women from British protection should be handed over to the authorities for punishment.

The Zulu Army of 1879

In 1879, at the time of King Cetshwayo kaMpande, the Zulu army comprised some 55,000 men in 33 regiments, of which perhaps 40,000 were of fighting age. The army was essentially a militia of all adult males, formed into 'age-set' regiments, varying in size from a few hundred (for example the mBube, iQwa and nKhonkhone) to the huge, young 'amabutho' such as the unCijo (c. 9,000 strong) and the nGomabakosi (c. 6,000).

The key division was between the unmarried 'amabutho', of bachelors forbidden to wed until they had 'washed their spears' in enemy blood, and the privileged married units who wore a distinctive headring. While single men lived in communal military kraals, the married warriors were permitted to establish independent family lives. All, however, could be called upon at any time for war service. The system meant that there was a continuing pressure for war, to let the young warriors marry - a pressure that was exploited by British proponents of intervention. Cetshwayo was aware of the issue, and made efforts to defuse the martial and marital impulses of his bachelor regiments.

Zulu tactics were aggressive; they had no interest in defensive methods, and no real capacity for them. Instead, the Zulus refined the envelopment tactics traditional to the African peoples. The Zulus were brave and fleet of foot - but so were other tribes. What Shaka gave his army was twofold. First he developed discipline and organisation, with a rank structure, uniform shields and costume, and set a position for each man in his 'iVivo' or company.

Secondly, Shaka abandoned the old throwing spear, with its emphasis on inconclusive skirmishing, for a fearsome broad-bladed stabbing assegai, known as the 'Ilklwa'. Used in combination with the shield, this made a potent close-quarter combination.

The army was divided into four parts for battle, likened to a charging bull:

The two 'horns' encircled

The 'chest' came to the assault

The reserve - usually composed of veteran units - held back from the fray

Battles were generally quick and decisive. Although many Zulus had firearms, usually obsolete muskets acquired by trade or payment for work, most had little skill or understanding of their proper use. Accounts of the 1879 campaign often refer to heavy but ineffective Zulu fire. The focus remained on the all-out assault and the commanding 'Indunas', who scouted the ground and directed the action from selected vantage points and were often faced with the problem of holding their men in check. At Isandlwana, Kambula and Ulundi, the central direction of the battle fell apart as the impis simply rushed headlong into the attack.

The Plan of Campaign

Lord Chelmsford's strategy was to invade Zululand by means of several columns converging on Cetshwayo's capital at Ulundi.

A number of self-contained forces could avoid the expected delays of moving one large column over the rough tracks and drifts of Zululand, and would be more likely to force the enemy into a decisive battle. Chelmsford's main fear was that the highly mobile Zulus would avoid contact with the soldiers and strike directly into Natal.

The campaign was set for January during the wet season. The River Thukela (Tugela) would be high enough to prevent the Zulus from crossing except at the drifts and these would be well guarded. The Zulu crops were still in the fields, and grain stocks would be low at the kraals. However this plan was open to serious criticism as to the risks of splitting an army in the face of a much larger Zulu army.

The arrangement of the Columns

Column No 1: commanded by Colonel Pearson of the Buffs, comprising 4,750 all ranks, advancing along the road via Eshowe (Ekowe). Captain Wynne's company, the 2nd Field Company RE, was attached to this column.

Column No 2: under Colonel AW Durnford, RE, based on Middle Drift as a mobile reserve, according to Chelmsford's orders; 3,871 troops, consisting almost entirely of Natal Native Contingent.

Column No 3: under Colonel Glyn of the 24th Regiment, ordered to advance through central Zululand via Rorke's Drift; 4,709 all ranks, accompanied by GOC and staff. Lieutenant Chard of the 5th Field Company RE was attached to this column.

Column No 4: 2,278 officers and men under Colonel (later Field Marshal) Sir Evelyn Wood VC (1839-1919), marching from Utrecht into the disputed Western borderlands of Zululand.

Column No 5: under Colonel Rowlands, advancing from the Northern Transvaal with 1,565 all ranks. (Columns No 2 and 5 were auxiliary forces, supporting the advance of the stronger forces).

Ordered to 'The Front'

Prior to 1879, the 7th Field Company were the only resident Royal Engineer unit in South Africa. They were deployed at the Cape building gun batteries to defend the Table Bay anchorages against the Russian Navy. In November 1878 the authorities had agreed to send more troops to South Africa. Word had reached London that war was expected. The 2nd Field Company RE was amongst those travelling to the Cape, setting out from Shorncliffe Camp on 29th November, 1878.The journey was made aboard the troop-ship Walmer Castle, calling at Madeira and Cape Town, then on to Port Natal.

Captain Warren Richard Colvin Wynne RE commanded the 2nd Field Company. His work is recorded in a diary, and letters to his wife, Lucy, describe life at the front.

'We arrived at 11.40pm yesterday. This morning, the news has come on board that the women and children are to disembark, and perhaps the heavy baggage. Cetshwayo has received an ultimatum which expires in a week, and we are ordered up to the front at once. It is overwhelming to me to think of such a thing as far as the RE is concerned, with all our heaps of stores to sort out, to arrange, and to pack - to say nothing of organising the men, the majority of whom are recruits'.

Captain WRC Wynne to Mrs Wynne, Cape Town, December 28th 1878, 7.30am

First impressions of South Africa

'The outskirts of Cape Town are very pretty - Claremont, Rondebosch and Wynberg are an orderly forest of pine trees, planted by the old Dutch Government, and houses, some very fine, are scattered about, much as in parts of Surrey. The hot season is however unpleasant as there is a constant succession of South Easterly winds, which are heralded in by a heavy white cloud (known as the Table Cloth) covering the top of the Table Mountain. In a short time the cloud literally pours down on the town and for the next 48 hours life is made most trying by a blinding and scorching red dust, which finds its way into every room and ruins all white or light coloured clothing.'

'The Castle where I lived, was an old Dutch fort and many weird tales were told about it and of dark deeds done there in former years. Skeletons were dug up at intervals and one jumpy officer had the fright of his life, when one night a portion of the ceiling of his room fell down, and brought a skull and some human bones with it.'

Extract from diary of Lieutenant T R Main RE, arrived in South Africa January 1876

'Capt Jones and I landed, and lunched with Major and Mrs Nixon, and afterwards went out by train to Wynberg to pay our respects to Lady Frere, the Governor's wife. She was having a garden party, so we saw something of Cape Society. We found the country most beautiful two miles out from Cape Town. Such beautiful green foliage, and the Table Mountain grand.'

'Sunday, 29th - I went to see the women and children of the Company in the quarters at the Castle. They have one very large Barrack room for the six women and five children, and seem pretty satisfied.' (The British Army allowed six soldiers' wives 'on the strength' of each company).

'I went with the Nixons to the Military Chapel, and was indeed glad to join in the dear old service again. I had intended going to Holy Communion at the Cathedral at 8am, but was prevented by duty on board, and there was not any at the midday service.'

Captain Warren Wynne's letter to Mrs Wynne, December 1878

'My Dear we have got about 700 miles to walk up the country before we start fighting at all My dearest Wife the Officer is going to send home some money to the mens Wifes so you might expect to hear some thing about it soon after you received this letter my Dear I do not know how you are getting a living in Chatham........My Dear I have no idea what kind of Christmas you spent but I desay it was a very unhapy one which my Dear mine was a very unhappy one all though I had a very nice dinner.........My dear I have no moar time to say aney moar so Good Buy and may God protect you and the dear Children....Good Buy all Kiss the Dear little Ones For theire Father.'

Sapper H Cuthbert, 5th Field Company, letter to his wife 6th January 1879
(Killed at Isandlwana, 22nd January 1879). Spelling as in original

'Overwhelmed with work and scarcely time even for a farewell. We march to-morrow, and expect to cross the Tugela about the 12th. I am very well, thank God. Best love to all dear ones.'

Captain Warren Wynne's letter to Mrs Wynne, 6th January 1879

Officers of the Royal Engineers 1879: Who's Who

Two field companies of the Engineers (the 2nd and the 5th) embarked for South Africa on December 2nd, 1878, and landed at Durban on January 4th, 1879, for the reinforcement of the Corps in South Africa. This had previously only consisted of the 7th Company, commanded by Major F W Nixon, who had under him Lieutenants, F H MacDowel and J Clarke.

Colonel A W Durnford, assisted by Captain A H Hime, who was at the time Colonial Engineer, had organised and equipped three Companies of Native Pioneers. These each consisted of a Captain and 2 Subalterns (European), and 4 Sergeants and 96 Sappers (African). In each company 25 men were armed with the Martini-Henry rifle, the remainder bearing assegais and shields. Each man also carried a tool slung. The equipment of tools, forges, dynamite, etc, was loaded in two-wheeled ox-carts. The officers were employed in the Colonial Engineers department.

When the expeditionary force was organised, Colonel Durnford took command of the entire Natal Native Contingent, consisting of three battalions of 1,000 men each, with 450 mounted men and a rocket battery under Captain Russell RA. From long residence in the area and from having command of similar contingents during previous outbreaks, Colonel Durnford had acquired great influence over the indigenous peoples of Natal and Basutoland, and it was felt that no-one else was so well qualified to lead this auxiliary force.

Colonel F N Hassard was Commanding Royal Engineer, and Lieutenant J C Baxter was Adjutant. The other officers and companies were divided amongst the three columns which were intended to penetrate into the district from different points.

Colonel E Wood commanded that which was to start from Utrecht; with him was Major C J Moysey.

Colonel Glyn's column was to start from Helpmakaar and Rorke's Drift; with him was the 5th Field Company Royal Engineers, with Captain W P Jones, Lieutenants J R M Chard, R Da C Porter, and C E Commeline, also two Companies of Native Pioneers commanded by Lieutenant F H MacDowel.

A third column, under Colonel Pearson, was to cross the Thukela river near its mouth. With him was the 2nd Field Company with Captain W R C Wynne, Lieutenants D C Courtney, H B Willock, and C E Haynes; also one Company of Native Pioneers under Lieutenant T R Main. Lieutenants V J Yorke and Brice were appointed Assistant Engineers and took charge of the bridge equipment for crossing the Thukela. Lieutenant General Lord Chelmsford was in Command of the combined force.

Reinforcements

When the dire situation of Chelmsford's forces became known in England, immediate steps were taken to hurry out reinforcements sufficiently numerous to carry on an active engagement in the war.

The Engineers were strengthened by the 30th Field Company under Lieutenant Colonel R Harrison, with Captain (later General Sir) Blindon Blood, Lieutenants Watkins, Sherrard, MacKean and Littledale.

One half of the 'C' or Telegraph Troop, under Major Hamilton, Lieutenants Hare, MacGregor, Rich and Bond.

Also sent out were Lieutenant Colonel Steward, as Commanding Royal Engineer to the force, Lieutenant-Colonels Webber and Hale, Captains Anstey, Heneage, Lieutenants James, Cameron, Penrose and Brotherton.

Uniforms and Weapons

Uniform

The basic uniform for both RE officers and Other Ranks, as for most soldiers, was the white topi (tropical helmet), red serge jacket, and blue trousers, with the various embellishments appropriate to different ranks and trades. However the smartness of the parade ground had to be forgotten on campaign. The soldiers usually had to sleep in uniform for weeks, even months at a time, in readiness for night attacks. Officers often wore Other Rank uniform, and by the end of the war soldiers' dress had become decidedly 'unofficial'!

'My attire consists of riding boots and breeches, a private soldier's red serge, my white helmet dyed with mimosa bark to a brown colour and denuded of its brass ornaments, a revolver and no sword. Add to this my beard and you have a different sort of article from the soldier for home use.'

Captain WP Jones to Mrs Jones, 16th March 1879

'I slept with my boots off last night for the first time since 13th January.'

Lance Corporal FW Licence to his parents, 4th April 1879

'My men are simply in rags. One has patched the seat of his blue trousers with a bit of scarlet coat stuff.'

Captain WP Jones to Mrs Jones, 2nd August 1879

Weapons

Sappers were dressed, armed and accoutred similar to infantry. The men were armed with the Martini-Henry rifle and bayonet. This weapon was carried by every man except officers and staff sergeants. The Martini-Henry, introduced into the army in 1871, was a breech-loading, single-shot weapon with the breech operated by a lever fitted behind the trigger guard.

Martini-Henry Rifle (mark V)
It combined Von Martini's loading mechanism with Henry's rifling.

The officer's regulation weapon was his sword, still the 1822 Pattern with Gothic hilt and carried in a steel scabbard. It was an elegant but somewhat useless weapon. To supplement his sword, an officer would equip himself with a revolver, the most popular being the Webley and the Adams.

The Natal roads

Campaigning in South Africa was entirely dependent on the ability of heavily laden Imperial forces to move across a largely roadless country. The January rain made the task extremely difficult. Columns of ox-wagons would turn an earthen road into a quagmire, break down the ramps leading to a drift, and destroy the delicate riverbeds that made the crossings passable. Travelling from Durban through Stanger along the coast to Fort Pearson there were problems.

'I impressed another ox wagon at Verulam, sent men over ford in ox cart - fording stream took a long time - got away with 3 wagons at 1pm - and reach Victoria 4.30pm. bivouac in old shed - weather showery roads heavy.'

Extract from diary of Captain DC Courtney RE, 9th January 1879

'Heavy rains all morning. Loaded waggons with stores and equipment from railway trucks. Found transport insufficient, mules untrained and rather unmanagable, delays in consequence. Could not leave Saccharine before 3pm.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, 8th January 1879

'Our first day's march yesterday was a trying one. Torrents of rain, roads fearful, and our mule train stuck in a river four miles behind us, so that late in the evening we were without tents or rations.'

Extract from Captain WRC Wynne to Mrs Wynne, 9th January 1879

The Précis of Information Concerning Zululand, compiled by the Intelligence Department, gave advice for those venturing forth upon the pathways of Zululand,

'The storms are very sudden, and a small stream is quickly converted into an impassable mountain torrent; during the wet season many of these fords are impassable for weeks together. The time taken...in passing these drifts is often very considerable, and working parties should always be sent on as far ahead as possible to repair them. After every storm they will require more or less attention. Big stones should be removed, the sides cut down, and the bottoms filled up; but the more that is done by cutting the sides the better, since the earth put in at the bottom may be washed away in an hour or two, and the drifts once again become impassable...when drifts (or hills) are very steep, the wagons should always be double spanned, that is, two teams of oxen harnessed to them. It is a good plan to halt troops near a drift, so that they may be able to assist with drag ropes if the wagons get into difficulties; but in the case of a stuck wagon it is often quickest to off load at once. It is important to have more than one drift -several if possible- made across a stream, so that the break down if a single wagon shall not block the whole convoy.'

Transport

Transport vehicles and draught animals needed to be solid, strong and enduring. Prior to the opening of the campaign, Chelmsford's agents purchased or hired 977 wagons, 56 carts, 10,023 oxen, 803 horses and 398 mules, from all over South Africa and beyond. 90% of all the wagons and teams in Natal were employed in Government service. Of these, about one third were assigned to No 1 Column.

'And we commenced our march to Ekowe [Eshowe] through an undulating country of long grass and bush - a long straggling column of ox-wagons, often 3 miles long, with little or no flank protection or scouting in front.'

Extract from diary of Lieutenant TR Maindiary

The first of the ox-wagons had stuck in the river through breaking some of the gear in the span of oxen. Captain Wynne had to send another span (16 animals) to help get the wagon across. At last they were free.

' We ascended a long steep hill; halted at 11.40 for half-an-hour, then traversed a long plateau. At 12.25 descended by a gentle slope to a pretty valley dotted with a variety of handsome shrubs in clumps, Palmettos, Cacti, Aloes, etc., and beautiful bright-coloured wild flowers. The road, however, was frightfully bad.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, 9th January 1879

Oxen were used to convey equipment, ammunition and rations and moved at about ten miles a day. Although the wagons could hold up to four tons, they rarely carried more than one as they had to be loaded and reloaded several times a day in bad country.
(Fotomas Index)

The characteristic wagon of Southern Africa was developed by the frontier Boers. It was long and narrow, with a canvas cover, looking very much like the wagon of the American settlers. Fully laden, the wagon might carry 8,000 lbs on a good road. As there were hardly any good roads, it was foolish to try to carry more than 2 - 3,000 lbs across the veldt. Even with this capacity break-downs were common. Spans of 16 oxen, in eight pairs, were standard, and double teams were required for steep hills or deep river crossings. Oxen were relatively cheap and needed no forage other than the grass on the ground, but demanded careful attention with frequent halts for rest and grazing. In the hands of inexperienced British soldiers, or hired conductors and ' Voorloopers' (drivers) who cared for their charges, the oxen were driven too hard and for too long. Foul weather, sickness and overwork killed hundreds of animals. No 1 Column was short of oxen from the first, with 8 or 9 per wagon, teams so small that they could barely move over the rough terrain at all.

'One ox fell down through sickness at starting....Crossed Umvoti ford, placing rifles, trousers, boots and accroutrements in a punt which plies backwards and forewards. Depth to waist. Men waded over by 1.30.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, 11th January 1879

The alternative to oxen was to use mules, in teams of 8 which could double the 8 to 10 miles per day an ox-wagon could manage. The mules were far more resistant to fatigue and death. But mules were bad-tempered and in short supply, and each needed 120 lbs of forage per day. Captain Wynne's company carried vital equipment that would be needed at the front of the advance, and so received priority for the more mobile mule wagons.

'I wanted to load our mule waggon train in a systematic way, but the cantankerousness of the mules and one thing or another prevented my fully accomplishing it as I wished.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, 8th January 1879

'On April 15 (1879) I was ordered to Pietermaritzburg to await the rest of the Staff there. I utilised this journey to test the marching power of my horse, and to learn a little of the "art of travelling" in South Africa.'

'My cavalcade, as follows, viz. Lance-Corporal Martin RE (a Draughtsman), riding my bat pony; Driver Cook RE (my groom), on my third charger; a Scotch cart, drawn by three horses with one native driver, carrying our baggage and provisions; Driver Burdett RE (my head servant and cook), on my first charger 'Rocket'; and I myself on my second charger, 'Durban'. We carried with us all the arrangements for pitching a small camp, and a reserve of food for men and horses. Each mounted man had a saddle-bag, and so we could divide up into two parties at short notice if required.'

Recollections of General Sir Richard Harrison (Late RE)

Bridging the Thukela (Tugela) River

By the 5th January arrangements were in hand to bridge the river Thukela by means of five flying bridges and barrel piers.

The equipment necessary for the construction of the pontoon bridge had not arrived on the Walmer Castle as expected. Lieutenant Hayes of the 2nd Field Company, plus 20 men, were left behind at Durban to wait for the equipment, whilst the rest of the company, headed by Captain Wynne, left for the Thukela to join their column. The company had orders to join No 1 (Pearsons) Column, and on the 7th January, 3 officers and 99 men left for the lower drift of the Thukela to join the column, which was concentrating there prior to entering Zululand.

Lieutenant T R Main had been at the Thukela for some time, constructing a pont. This would be able to convey the whole of the 5,000 strong column across. Eventually two forts, Tenedos and Pearson, protected the crossing from each side of the river. The pont made 2 - 3 crossings an hour, both day and night.

'Early in October 1878 I took to the road once more, with 2 horses, & made my way via Durban to Stanger (where a company of the Buffs arrived next day) to the lower drift over the Tugela & put up in a small house (winkel) near the drift. My instructions were to make all arrangements for the safe passage of a large body of troops - to defend the drift & build a pontoon to ferry everything across, if there was a flood.'

Extract fron diary of Lieutenant TR Main

Lieut Main and his company had been ordered to move from St Helena to Cape Town in January 1876. Having spent the last ten years on the island, it was a difficult move for the men, some of whom had married local girls and built themselves cottages near their barracks.

'I soon completed the entrenching of Fort Pearson, & set to work on the barrel raft, which was designed to act as a flying bridge. The current of the river at this season was very swift, & I was for making the raft above the site for the bridge, but was overpersueded by the Naval folk, who assured me they could warp the raft up into position from below with the aid of a strong winch from the 'Active'.'

Extract from diary of Lieutenant T R Main

' We crossed over at 2pm next day by the 'Pont', a long flat-bottomed ferry, worked along a hawser which is stretched from shore to shore. The distance is about 280 yards. In the early morning (5am) Colonel Pearson, who commands the column, sent for me to come over. I crossed over and called upon him, and received his instructions and suggestions as to the advisability of establishing a depot for stores and provisions on this side of the water, instead of being dependent on the state of the river, the Pont, etc.'

A pontoon bridge replaced the pont in June 1879. The construction was supervised by Captain (later General Sir) Blindon Blood RE using equipment to his own design.

Fort Building

As always, building fortifications was one of the major RE tasks in the Zulu War. The structures varied from small earth entrenchments to more grandiose stone buildings such as Fort Pinetown.

Captain WRC Wynne was in charge of building Fort Tenedos to protect stores on the banks of the Thukela River. His plans for an eight-sided fort with guns on the north side were approved and he set to work.

'My captain (Wynne) had spent most of his service on the survey, and I smiled when I saw him set off with (Lieut.) Willock and a theodolite and chain ... I pointed out that time was precious, and eventually he handed the job over to me, not very graciously.'

Extract from diary of Lieutenant T.R. Main

The infantry were divided into three-hour shifts for digging and building ramparts, usually under the direction of RE Sergeants, Corporals or even Sappers.

'We all have very hard work. Turn out every morning at 3am, under arms, and occupy our alarm posts. Turn in again for a short time until reveille, which is at 4.30am; after which there is work, work, work till 8pm, when we have to put out our lights, and turn in with our clothes on, ready to turn out again at the sound of the "Alarm".'

Capt WRC Wynne to Mrs Wynne, 17th January 1879

Wynne then moved on to Eshowe (Ekowe). After the British defeat at Isandlwana the troops learned they would soon be besieged by the Zulu army, and Wynne had to turn a storage depot into a full-scale fort, even building ramparts out of trunks, tent bags and blankets.

'It has been heartrending to be compelled to make a wilderness of this spot which was so beautiful before, with its orange grove and gardens of flowers ... The church we have turned into a hospital, but alas! I have had to have it loopholed. Of course we will repair it when the war is over.'

Captain WRC Wynne to Mrs Wynne, 7th February 1879

Fort Helpmakaar, designed by Captain WP Jones RE and built by 5th Company Royal Engineers
Photograph taken by a RE Photographer - 1879

'Fort Helpmakaar is to a great extent my baby. The site is vile. I did not choose it but was ordered by the General ... However, a strong earthwork with three guns mounted, a big ditch encircling makes us very strong. I have dodged up a drawbridge out of the picked bits of firewood. It pulls up and forms a shot-proof barrier across the entrance by night or during attack. I fear I have made the place so strong the Zulus will never attack us.'

Captain WP Jones to Mrs Jones, March 1879

Messages and Signals

Modern signalling equipment was not available to Chelmsford at the start of the invasion of Zululand in 1879. The heliograph, successfully used in Afghanistan during 1878, had not yet been introduced into southern Africa. Besides despatch runners and riders, the only other means available was the use of semaphore signalling by hand held flags.

African runners carried despatches into and out of Fort Eshowe (Ekowe) during the siege. These journeys were hazardous and resulted in the death of some of the messengers. Those at Fort Pearson were becoming concerned at the inability to communicate with Eshowe (Ekowe). Following attempts to make contact using rockets, communication was opened on 2nd March using a simple form of heliograph.

Lieutenant C E Haynes of 2nd Company RE used a bedroom mirror taken from a room at Smith's Hotel near Fort Pearson. He began to flash signals in the direction of Eshowe (Ekowe). After great excitement those at Eshowe (Ekowe) started to devise a means of returning the signal. Captain Wynne set to work on a signalling balloon and signalling screen.

'I commenced constructing a balloon 5' diameter, 6' 6" high, to carry a note, enclosed in a small tin case, from Colonel Pearson to the General, to be inflated by means of a small paraffin lamp in a light wire frame inside it....... Today the signalling from the Tugela was again observed and some words deciphered, of which the import, though vague, seemed to be that a convoy was expected on the 13th inst. with 1,000 men, and that when aware of its approach Colonel Pearson was to sally out with the surplus of the garrison. This of course caused much excitement and canvassing of the real purport of the message, and many were the endeavours to flash something back with hand mirrors, &c.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, 3rd March 1879

'I commenced the balloon and got it half finished. I also commenced making a huge screen of tarpaulin tarred black and stretched on a frame 12' by 10' which should work on a horizontal axis on two strongly supported uprights. So that when placed on a hill close to the fort it should face the direction of the place from which the flash signalling (Heliograph) came, near the Tugela. And by making long and short appearances give the dash (-) and dot (.) from which telegraph alphabets are formed.'

Extract from diary of Captain WRC Wynne, Saturday 8th March 1879

The hot air balloon made from tracing paper and the large pivoting screen of tarpaulin were not a success, their failure mainly due to adverse weather conditions.

Captain H G Macgregor, serving on Pearson's Staff and of the 29th Regiment, eventually resolved the issue. He used a mirror 18" by 12" and a piece of old pipe found in the church at Eshowe (Ekowe) to make an improvised heliostat, although this first attempt was a failure. The next system was much more successful. Captain G K E Beddoes of the Natal Native Pioneers solved the problem of the moving sun by fixing the mirror on a pivot so it could be easily realigned. The pivot was then placed on top of a barrel and a sighting system of wire directing rods was erected. The morse flashes were still made by light with a board strapped to the operators hand. On 14th March two way communication was opened and remained in operation until Eshowe (Ekowe) was relieved on 3rd April.

When one half of C Telegraph Troop, Royal Engineers, arrived in Durban on board the Borussia in May, they were issued with four heliographs, despatched from the workshops of the Bengal Sappers and Miners at Roorkee in India. C Troop had been using heliostats at home but were pleased to find heliographs gave a much steadier signal. The heliostat used a fixed mirror with a shutter to interrupt the beam whereas the heliograph had an oscillating mirror which reflected the signal flashes to the receiving station.

C Troop, commanded by Major A C Hamilton, comprised 5 officers, 172 men, 109 horses and 13 wagons and carriages. Part of C Troop were involved in laying telegraph cables on the line of advance of Maj-General H H Crealock's First Division. By 30th May, they had completed a telegraph line which connected Fort Pearson with Forts Crealock and Chelmsford. The whole troop seems to have split into small detachments and distributed over a wide area.

Assuming each Lieutenant was responsible for one heliograph, the positions of the instruments during the later stage of the campaign were as follows:

Lieutenant J Hare - In charge of Southern line of telegraphs to St Paul's and then to Ulundi.

Lieutenant J C MacGregor - In charge of Northern line of telegraphs to Ulundi.

Lieutenant H B Rich - Employed on the Southern line of telegraphs.

Lieutenant F G Bond - Served on the lines of communication of the Headquarters Column.

Encouraged by the successful use of heliographs in southern Africa, a further 12 were despatched from the Royal Arsenel at Woolwich. The introduction of heliographs did provide a relatively simple and easy to transport communication system which could operate effectively in the field.

The Battle of Isandlwana
Wednesday 22nd January 1879

No 3 Column established camp at the base of the mountain of Isandlwana on 20th January. Chelmsford did not have the wagons laagered into a defensive position - contrary to his own instructions. He felt the Zulu threat lay nearer the Royal Kraal at Ulundi. On the 21st he ordered a two-pronged reconnaissance to probe the stronghold of Matshana kaMondisa (also known as Matyana, and chief of a powerful Zulu family). Commandant Rupert Lonsdale took two Natal Native Contingent battalions eastwards on one route, whilst Major J Dartnell took 80 of his Natal Mounted Police, together with 50 Mounted Volunteers, on another.

In the late afternoon, Dartnell encountered the forces of Matshana and requested help from Chelmsford. At 4.30am on Wednesday 22nd, Chelmsford divided No 3 Column so that he could reinforce Dartnell with six companies of the 2/24th, four cannon from N/5 Brigade Royal Artillery and the majority of mounted infantry squadron. As he left Isandlwana, Chelmsford hurriedly left a note to Brevet Colonel A W Durnford RE, who was encamped at Rorke's Drift with his No 2 Column, instructing him to reinforce the remaining troops at Isandlwana.

Brevet Lt-Colonel H B Pulleine, 1/24th, was left in command at Isandlwana camp. At 8am Zulus were seen advancing towards the encampment from the North-west. Pulleine recalled his regular pickets who joined the rest of the infantry in forming up before the camp. Two companies of the Natal Native Contingent remained on picket whilst a detachment of the Natal Carbineers remained on vedette duty.

At 10.30am the camp was reinforced by the arrival of Durnford's force. At about 11.30 Durnford sent out a detachment of his Natal Native Horse to clear Zulus occupying the high ground. Around the same time Durnford received information that the Zulus were falling back eastwards. To prevent a linking of the Zulu force near Isandlwana and those currently opposing Chelmsford, Durnford led out two troops of NNH and gave orders for No 5 Company of 2nd/3rd NNH and the rocket battery, under Brevet Major Russel, to support him.

The NNH under Lieutenant C Raw then encountered the concealed Zulu impi, approx. 25,000 men in number. The Zulu commanders had not intended to attack the encampment that day, but now circumstances had changed. The young men of the umCijo, eager to fight, rose up and charged. The izinDuna tried to stop the charge but only succeeded in keeping the uNdi 'corps' in reserve. The Zulu formed into a crescent formation and the die for disaster was cast.

No 5 Company 2nd/3rd Natal Native Contingent, under Captain A J Barry broke, and the rocket battery was overwhelmed. Durnford and Captain George Shepstone waged a fighting retreat. Durnford was reinforced by detachments of the Natal Mounted Police, Natal Carbineers, Newcastle Mounted Rifles and the Buffalo Border Guard. They all made a desperate attempt to reverse the Zulu left horn.

At 12.15 the regular British infantry fell in and were deployed in skirmish lines supported by the two cannon of N/5 RA, NNH and detachments of the Natal Native Contingent.

The Zulu advance was checked by volley firing of the 24th but Durnford's troops were desperately short of ammunition. They had to abandon their position. Reinforcements of 'G' Company 2/24th were also forced to retire. Fear gripped the Natal Native Contingent who were in the firing line. They decamped, leaving a terrible gap in the line, forcing Pulleine to draw back his line on the encampment. A reserve company of the 1st/3rd Natal Native Contingent fled. The time was now 1.15pm and through sheer force in numbers, the Zulus gained control of the encampment. Any organised resistance had decreased and only persisted in isolated pockets.

Observing that all was lost, Pulleine ordered his adjutant, Lieutenant Teignmouth Melville, to save the Queen's Colour of the 1/24th. Melville joined the stream of fugitives towards the Buffalo River. Their fate was sealed; the British were overwhelmed. The fugitives were pursued, coming under attack from the uNdi 'Corps', who harried them to the banks of the Buffalo. In the torrent of the river Melville lost his grasp on the Colour, but he gained the Natal bank with the assistance of Lieutenant Neville Coghill. Together they climbed the steep embankment only to be overtaken by Zulus and killed. The field of Isandlwana was now in the hands of the Victorious Zulus.

Durnford at Isandlwana

Durnford's Orders

Durnford, with his force, arrived at Rorke's Drift on 20th January 1879 and wasted little time in setting up camp. He wrote to Chelmsford for further orders and penned a letter home which clearly indicated why he believed his force had been called to follow Glyn's No 3 column: 'My movements are to operate against the two Matyanas and if they won't submit, make them'.

This is in perfect accord with Chelmsford's note of the 19th January but Durnford could probably not understand why, if he was needed in the sweep against the Matshanas, he had been ordered to camp at Rorke's Drift. He wrote a postscript in the same letter home: 'I am "down" because I am left behind, but we shall see'.

At 7am on 22nd January, Durnford was out with a detachment of mounted men trying to purchase wagons from the farmers on the Biggersberg when Lieutenant Smith-Dorrien brought him Chelmsford's message that he should take his men to Isandlwana. Lieutenant W Cochrane, his transport officer, recalled that on reading the note Durnford remarked, 'Just as I thought. We are to proceed at once to Isandlwana camp. There is an impi about 8 miles from the camp which the General moves out to attack at daybreak'.

The contents of the note were ambiguous. As it is a piece of evidence in the tragic misunderstanding that in some measure led to the massacre of British troops at Isandlwana, here it is in full, signed by Brevet Lt-Col J N Crealock:

'22nd Wednesday. 2am.
You are to march to this camp at once with all the force you have with you of No 2 Column. Major Bengough's battalion is to move to Rorke's Drift as ordered yesterday. 2/24th, Artillery and Mounted men with the General and Colonel Glyn move off at once to attack a Zulu force about 10 miles distant. J N C.'

It could have been that Chelmsford had in mind that Durnford take up something other than a defensive role. The decision to bring on mounted men who were better suited to reconnaissance and rapid movement, instead of calling for the two infantry companies of the 24th at Helpmakaar under Major Upcher, indicated a need for mobility rather than stability. The reinforcements provided by Durnford's No 2 Column comprised five excellent mounted units: the Edendale Horse and the BaSotho Horse, both containing many old friends who had ridden with Durnford as guides. There were three troops of Zikhali's mounted men who came from the foothills of the Drakensburg and were quite at home on horseback. Also from Zikhali's Ngwane were two infantry companies of the 1st Battalion, 1st Regiment, Natal Native Contingent.

Durnford impatiently hastened on ahead with his mounted men, leaving the rocket battery, his wagons and the two Ngwane infantry companies to follow. A quarter of a mile from Isandlwana he met Lieutenant John Chard who was returning from Isandlwana camp to Rorke's Drift. Chard informed him that the Zulus had been seen on the hills to the north in considerable strength. He asked Chard to tell Stafford, commanding E Company 1/1 Natal Native Contingent, to remain to escort the column's wagons, and for Russell and Nourse's D Company to hasten on to Isandlwana.

Chelmsford had left orders for Lt Col H B Pulleine to draw in his line of defence about Isandlwana camp, to pull his infantry pickets closer and keep his cavalry vedettes well out.

The cavalry vedettes caught sight of the Zulus soon after sunrise. Pulleine ordered the 'Fall-in' and with the exception of those companies on picket duty, the troop lined up in front of their tents. When, during the next two hours, further reports of Zulus in the vicinity reached Pulleine, the men were moved in column to the camp's front. The men were pleased at the prospect of a fight. They had no reason to suspect the camp was in danger, for it was believed that the Zulu army was ten to twelve miles away. Already the sounds of battle could be heard from that direction. But unknown to the camp, the sounds of battle were only those brushes with Matshana's people. The Zulu army, numbered at between 20,000 and 25,000 men, was at that moment squatting in the valley of the Ngwebeni, a tributary of the Nondweni River, about five miles away to the north-east.

Wagons could not be used as a laager but Pulleine and his officers had taken the necessary precautions to defend the camp. At a time estimated to be just after 10am, Durnford arrived with his 250 mounted men. On arrival at the camp, Durnford's mounted men were given the order to 'Front form troop' near the centre of the camp, while Durnford made his way to Pulleine.

Durnford's orders had been to march to the camp at once with his men. Was he to relieve Pulleine or was he required for a supporting role to Chelmsford's forces on the Mangeni Gorge? He had written off to the general the day before to ask for instructions. He must have expected to find clarification at Isandlwana. But there were no further orders waiting for him with Pulleine. And presumably Pulleine could give him little information on what the general had in mind for him to do. Any orders given to Pulleine would have fallen to Durnford as he was the senior officer.

Pulleine provided Durnford with an account of the state of the troops in the camp and emphasised his orders from Chelmsford were to 'defend the camp'. It was customary that a senior officer arriving at a situation such as this, would not only take over command but would also be responsible for carrying out whatever orders had been left by the commanding officer. There also seemed to be an accepted practice that the man on the spot could use his discretion if the situation warranted it. However, if he miscalculated, he was solely responsible for the consequences.

The question of who was in control of the camp appears not to have been clearly settled by either Durnford or Pulleine. Chelmsford had not even ordered Durnford to remain at the camp. Durnford was used to acting with some degree of independence of movement although this had not been Chelmsford's intention. Before the terrible day at Isandlwana, Durnford was rebuked by Chelmsford over failure to carry out instructions. The relationship between the two men, previously a good one, became strained.

The Zulus had planned to attack the camp on the 23rd January. The 22nd was believed to be a day of ill-omen. It was a day when the "moon was dead" because there would be a partial eclipse of the sun. It would not please the spirits to fight on such a day.

Durnford's Death

Durnford was heroic during the battle. According to a Zulu source, he had the men in good order and took the wounded with him. He was easily identifiable because his arm was in a sling, and he was reported to have killed four warriors with his revolver.

By 1.45pm, Wardell's company and Pope's men had been overwhelmed. It was not long before Durnford's survivors were surrounded. They fought on until their ammunition was exhausted at which stage they then fought with bayonets, rifle butts, knives, stones - any weapon they could lay their hands on. They were finally overwhelmed by a determined charge.

During the course of the final conflict, as the ranks thinned, numbers tried to join Younghusband's square further up the nek (a saddle of land between two hills) but they were killed before they could reach it.

Durnford's last moments are not clear. He was believed to have been shot through the heart but his body was also found to be covered with assegai wounds. He lay on his back - for some reason the Zulus had not stripped off his clothes - on the nek close to the Stony Kopje, probably close to the Rorke's Drift road. Around the fallen colonel was a most poignant scene. Lieutenent Durrant Scott and fourteen of his fellow Carbineers, Natal Native Police, Buffalo Border Guardsmen, Newcastle Mounted Riflemen, Imperial and black infantry lay scattered around him.

The 'Natal Almanac' for 1879 recorded that the partial eclipse of the sun began at about 1.10pm and the greatest took place at 2.29pm (Pietermaritzberg time) and ended at 3.50pm. Durnford's group lasted until, according to a Zulu with the Mcijo, 'the afternoon was well spent'. It does seem, however, that they could not have held on much longer than an hour. This would put their demise at approx. 2pm. The Zulus were looting the camp at about 2.30pm. Durnford's brother Edward reported later that the smashed watch recovered from Durnford's body had stopped at 3pm.

The Defence of the Mission Station at Rorke's Drift
Wednesday 22nd - Thursday 23rd January 1879

The mission station of Otto Witt, the resident missionary, had been requisitioned as a storehouse and hospital. It was known as Jim's Place (to the Zulu as kwa Jimu) after a trader, James Rorke, who resided there from 1849 until his death in 1875.

The station was dominated by a hill named 'Oskarberg' by Otto Witt, but known to the Zulu as 'Shiyane'. Attending to the 36 sick and wounded men was Surgeon J H Reynolds of the Army Hospital Corps with 3 other ranks of the Corps.

The post was protected by 'B' Company, 2nd Battalion of the 24th Regiment of Foot, commanded by Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead. Also forming part of the guard was a company of the 2nd/3rd Natal Native Contingent, commanded by Captain W Stevenson.

Responsible for the stores was Assistant Commissary W A Dunne, assisted by two volunteers, Acting Assistant Commissary J L Dalton and Acting Storekeeper L A Byrne, and also Second Corporal F Attwood, Army Service Corps.

The Sappers at Rorke's Drift

Lord Chelmsford requested a small team of Engineers to join him at Rorke's Drift to repair and maintain the ponts over the Buffalo River, No.3 Column's gateway into Zulu territory. The job fell to Lieutenant Chard, as senior subaltern; Driver Robson, his batman; Corporal Gamble and Sappers Cuthbert, McClaren and Wheatley. A small mule train with a native driver and a native boy was supplied for their equipment, the Sappers riding in the back. Chard and Robson rode horses.

On the 19th January, Chard and his men arrived and set up camp on the Natal side of the river. They then set to work on one of the ponts, the other still at full stretch with the wagons of No.3 Column. The damaged pont was repaired and in use by the evening of the 21st.

The four Sappers received orders on the 22nd to join No.3 Column at its new camp at the foot of the hill Isandlwana, some 10 miles up the road from Rorke's Drift. On the morning of the 22nd, the four men climbed into their empty wagon, and the native driver set off for Isandlwana. Later that day, having successfully lured Lord Chelmsford and half the column away from Isandlwana, the 20,000 strong Zulu army swept down on the camp which, in spite of fierce resistance, was totally overrun, the four Sappers being amongst the 1,350 casualties, only 78 Europeans escaping.

Lieutenant Chard had also been at Isandlwana that morning. Brevet Major H Spalding, 104th Foot, the Deputy Assistant Quartermaster General and Officer commanding the post, had given Chard permission to ride to Isandlwana to clarify his orders as to what duties he should perform regarding entrenching the Natal bank of the Drift. His orders were to remain at Rorke's Drift and superintend the ponts. He told Spalding about the large body of Zulus he had seen moving along the Nquthu plateau. This prompted Spalding to go for reinforcements to Helpmakaar. He checked his Army List to ascertain who was the senior of the two Lieutenants, Bromhead or Chard. The command devolved to Chard and Spalding left for Helpmakaar.

Chard had left the camp at Isandlwana before the main body of Zulus appeared and arrived back at Rorke's Drift in time for lunch. He was in his tent writing letters when his peace was shattered by the arrival of two riders, just escaped from Isandlwana. Lieutenents Adendorff and Vaines of the Natal Native Contingent brought news of the disaster and of a large Zulu impi now heading towards the mission station. Chard promptly deployed Sergeant F Milne, 2nd/3rd Regt of Foot, and 6 men of the 24th on the high ground above the ponts, with a commanding field of fire.

Lieutenent Vaines from Isandlwana rode on to Helpmakaar to spread word of the disaster. Chard hurried to the mission station after being summoned by Bromhead. Preparations were already being made to defend the area supervised by Acting Assistant Commissary Dalton, as other survivors from Isandlwana had alerted those at the mission station. Chard then returned to the small detachment by the Buffalo. Several men offered to defend the pont, mooring the ponts midstream, giving Chard valuable time. Heartened by the offer, Chard declined, as he needed every man available for the defence back at the mission station.

The Defence

Driver Robson joined the men of 'B' Company, helped with the constructing of the defences made up of mealie bags, and took his place in front of the storehouse where the perimeter met a stronger built kraal. At about 3.30pm Lieutenent A F Henderson arrived with some 100 men of the Hlubi and Edendale Troops, Natal Native Horse. Chard used them as part of the defence, observing the drift and the reverse side of the Oskarberg. Several more survivors arrived from Isandlwana and tried to tell the garrison about the futility of a defence, but Chard's resolve could not be altered.

The Zulus appeared at about 4.30pm, only 75 minutes after the first alert. The 350 or so friendly natives now fled: they had had enough. Their European officers followed them.

The Zulus charged the South wall and their main body then veered around the post looking for the weak spot in the defence. As the battle developed Chard noted where Robson was placed. His observations are contained in his account of the defence, written for Queen Victoria:

'The Zulus were wrecking the camp of the company of the 24th, and my wagon which had been left outside, in spite of the efforts of my batman, Driver Robson (the only other man of the Royal Engineers with us), who had directed his particular attention to keeping the Zulus off this wagon in which were, as he described it, our things.'

For some 12 hours the relentless assault continued, the front wall and stone kraal coming under fierce attack. Repeated charges were made at the walls. On the morning of the 23rd when the defenders' ammunition was down to the last 20 rounds each, the Zulus retired. At about 8.15am Lieutenant Colonel (local rank) J C Russell, 12th (Prince of Wales) Lancers, leading an advanced guard of Mounted Infantry from Chelmsford's retreating column, relieved the mission station. The battle was over.

1. Initial perimeter formed by mealie bag ramparts, two wagons and walls of hospital, storehouse and kraal.
2. Transverse wall of biscuit boxes.
3. Mealie bag redoubt.
4. First Zulu attack.
5. Main Zulu attack.
6. Last Zulu attack.

There were 350 dead Zulus scattered around the area but more were discovered in the weeks to come where they lay under rocks, in caves and in the grass. The defenders suffered 17 killed and 8 seriously wounded. Chard inspected his wrecked wagon and found an unbroken bottle of beer which he shared with Lieutenent Bromhead. Eleven Victoria Crosses and four Distinguished Conduct Medals were later awarded to the defenders.

'...Mr Dalton, whose energy, intelligence and gallantry were of the greatest service to us ...I cannot suntly thank for his service...'

Extract from Chard's report

Chard and Robson remained at Rorke's Drift for several weeks after the battle. Half of the 5th Field Company arrived from Durban to assist in the construction of more permanent stone walls around the fort. Chard supervised the work. Unfortunately, due to both the cramped conditions inside the fort and the Zulu dead being buried in a mass grave so close to the area, a bout of fever struck and Chard fell sick in early February. He went to Ladysmith to recover, staying with Doctor Hyde and his wife. He recovered sufficiently to re-join the 5th Company for the second invasion of Zululand. Both he and Robson were present in the British Square at the Battle of Ulundi on July 4th.

The Battle of Nyezane
Wednesday 22nd January 1879

At about 8am on Wednesday 22nd January, No.1 Column had just crossed the Nyezane River and were seeking a suitable resting place. A company of the 1st Battalion, 2nd Regiment of the Natal Native Contingent, commanded by Captain A F Hart, 31st (Huntingdonshire) Regiment of Foot, reconnoitred the hills ahead; the mounted patrols had been ordered to return to Colonel Pearson for further orders. Hart's men came under heavy gunfire from Zulus positioned on the dominating hills. A large body of Zulus appeared on the crest of the hills. Unable to meet the challenge, the Natal Native Contingent were ordered to withdraw but in the confusion the withdrawal turned into a disaster. Two officers and four NCOs of the Natal Native Contingent, abandoned to their fate by their men, fell in a desperate stand against the advancing Zulus. Pearson attempted to stem the advance of the Zulu left horn. The Zulu centre came within 400 yds of the British line before two cannon diverted their attention. A Gatling gun, brought into action, downed the oncoming Zulus.

Captain WRC Wynne deployed the 2nd Field Company, Royal Engineers, as Infantry in support of the Mounted Infantry and Colonial Volunteers, the Victoria and Stanger Mounted Rifles and Natal Hassars, who were engaging the Zulu right horn. A naval landing brigade from HMS Active charged at the Zulu centre along with a company of the 3rd Foot and the Europeans of the 1st/2nd Natal Native Contingent. The ferocity of the attack drove the Zulus from their positions, and, demoralised, they fled the field. The time was 9.30am. There were 12 British and Colonial men killed; 400 Zulu dead were found on the battlefield.

A death in Zululand - Captain WRC Wynne RE

Captain Warren Richard Colvin Wynne was born on 9th April 1843, eldest surviving son of Captain John Wynne, Royal Horse Artillery of Wynnestay, County Dublin and of Anne Warren, daughter of Admiral Sir Samuel Warren, KCB, GCH. He was educated at the Royal Naval School, New Cross, where he carried off numerous prizes. He passed out from the Royal Military Academy fourth on the list of successful candidates, and chose to serve in the Royal Engineers.

Overseas duties took him to Gibraltar, and in England he was appointed to the Ordnance Survey in 1871. In December 1878 he was given one day's notice to take command of the 2nd Field Company, then stationed at Shorncliffe, and under orders to proceed on active service to Natal, in view of the impending invasion of Zululand.

His journey to Natal was on board the SS Walmer Castle, calling at Madeira and Cape Town, then on to Port Natal. The company arrived at Durban Harbour on 3rd January 1879 and marched to the Thukela to join No.1 Column. They encamped for the night on the Natal side of the river. Captain Wynne was to build a fort, 600 yards north of the Thukela. It was to be named after HMS Tenedos and would protect a storehouse which would be a depot for the stores of No.1 Column. When work on the fort was complete, Captain Wynne and the 2nd Field Company with the rest of the Column made their way into the heart of Zululand.

On the 22nd January, the column came under heavy fire at the Nyezane River. This engagement left 12 British and Colonial dead, and 400 Zulu dead found on the battlefield.

Fort Eshowe (Ekowe) fortified under the supervision of 2nd Field Company Royal Engineers
Photograph taken by a Royal Engineer Photographer - 1879

The next step of the campaign was to reach Eshowe (Ekowe) and fortify the mission site as a depot for supplies. Captain Wynne was Commanding Royal Engineer (CRE) so he would play a key role in the fortification of Eshowe (Ekowe). The total man-hours spent on the construction was 36,9101/2. Working parties toiled from 29th January to 28th February. On 31st January Zulus were sighted on a hill overlooking the mission station. The artillery shelled the Zulus who were driven from their position, but now Eshowe (Ekowe) was under siege. Cramped conditions within the 'Fort' began to take its toll on the health of the men and, as they were confined to the area, insanitary conditions led to an outbreak of dysentery. Men died from fever, storms raged and there was general despair. From the 2nd March the 'Fort' began to receive heliograph signals from the mission station of St Andrews. Messages were transmitted over the next few days which brought hope that help might be at hand.

Fort Eshowe (Ekowe) plans as drawn by Captain Wynne RE
these plans formed part of Lieutenant Courtney's RE post-operation report
(now held in the Royal Engineers Library)

Colonel Pearson and the others were besieged at Eshowe (Ekowe) until April. They were finally relieved by Chelmsford on Thursday 3rd April 1879.

Bell from Eshowe (Ekowe) Church Photograph taken by a Royal Engineer Photographer - 1879

Fortification at Fort Eshowe (Ekowe) Photograph taken by a Royal Engineer Photographer - 1879

On 9th April Captain Wynne died. The fever that wracked his body finally killed him. For days he had been driving himself on, suffering from a burning head, aching eyeballs, chilled skin and aching bones. He had the most awful nightmares.

' I had a most disturbed night last night, I could not sleep except by short snatches, and my brain went working upon what is before us to do here. When I did go off I had horrid nightmares. The waggons were going helter skelter along our new road, tumbling over the embankments, while I was pursued by Zulus five times magnified in the midst of the fracas. In the morning I felt certainly not so well as the day before, nor do I seem to have made any improvement.'

14th March, letter to Mrs Wynne

Lieutenant David Charles Courtney RE was with Captain Wynne at Eshowe (Ekowe). Courtney's diary of events records the ill-health amongst the company:

Warren Wynne died on his 36th birthday. He left behind a wife, Lucy Parish Wynne, and sons aged five years, two years and seven months.

The grave is in Euphorbia Hill cemetery, overlooking the River Tugela and the remains of Fort Tenedos. The inscription reads:

We were in the worst of the fight, for we were the only men on the right of the waggons. We did not even have time to fall in before the bullets came amongst us fearful. We were in the thick, and could not see many that were firing at us, only the smoke out of the bush, and I can tell you I don't believe that there was ever such sharp firing before. When it was over we got the praise for keeping the enemy back, or they would have had the waggons and oxen.'

Corporal FW Licence RE, The Siege of Eshowe (Ekowe).

The death of the Prince Imperial

As Assistant Quartermaster-General Colonel Richard Harrison RE had many problems to deal with, including finding something for Prince Louis Napoleon to do. The Prince was the only son of Napoleon III and the Empress Eugenie. After the fall of the French Empire in 1870 the family went into exile in Britain.

The Prince attended the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich and, though unable to join the British Army, became an Honorary Lieutenant in a field artillery battery.

Despite official misgivings, the 23-year-old Prince persuaded Sir Bartle Frere and Lord Chelmsford to allow him to come to South Africa as one of Chelmsford's staff. As head of the staff, Colonel Harrison ordered him to collect information about distribution of troops and stores, but the impetuous Prince asked for more active work and was allowed to help select sites for future camps. On 31st May 1879 Harrison let the Prince take a scouting party ahead of the confluence of the Itshotshosi and Tombokala Rivers. His deputy, Lieutenant Carey, went to keep an eye on the patrol but let the Prince take command.

In the afternoon the party stopped at a deserted homestead to take tea, where they where ambushed by a Zulu scout patrol of about 30 to 40 warriors. As the troops fled the Prince grabbed his horse Percy's saddle but fell and, with his right arm trampled by the horse, was stabbed to death. The following morning his body, with eighteen spear wounds, was recovered and the funeral took place the same day.

The Prince's death was a public scandal. Lieutenant Carey was found guilty of misconduct at a Court Martial and sent home, and although Queen Victoria and Empress Eugenie intervened to overturn the verdict his career was blighted and he died only four years later. The press decided Carey was a scapegoat and blamed both Lord Chelmsford and Colonel Harrison, although their reputations did not suffer in the long term.

The Battle of Ulundi
Friday 4th July 1879

The march on Ulundi

When Lord Chelmsford decided on making his forward movement on Ulundi, after the arrival of his reinforcements, he formed a flying column under Colonel Wood, and a Division (called the 2nd) under his own command. The flying column, with Major Moysey RE attached, left Fort Kambula on 30 May, and was shortly after joined by the 5th Company, Royal Engineers under Captain Jones.

The 2nd Company was posted at first to Chelmsford's Division, but it was also eventually sent to Wood's force, it being considered advisable to have as many Engineers as possible with the troops in front.

'The road proved very difficult, and we only did three miles. First we had to ascend a very steep hill, the wagons forming laager, and outspanning as they came up. In the meantime the Company was at work about one-and-a-half miles further on, blasting a passage through a rocky cliff.....A big laager was formed at the foot of a hill. About half-a-mile further on, on a neck connecting the hill we had descended with another which we will have to climb when we move on, was a small laager in which we (the 2nd Company, as well as ours, for that has now joined the flying column) and the 13th are encamped. We commenced a new fort here, to be called Fort Evelyn. It is built chiefly of sods, with a small ditch outside, and is a pentagon without any flanking arrangements. Command 6' ditch 8', to be increased as time may permit.'

Extract from the diary of Lieutenant R da C Porter RE, 5th Field Company, 22 June 1879

The troops move on to Ulundi, crossing the Umfolozi River early on the 4th July.

'Started in the dark to cross the river.....The river was about 50 yards wide, nowhere more than eighteen inches deep; the bottom sandy. After crossing, we commenced at once to ascend through a somewhat broken country towards the open plains where the kraals lay.....About 2 miles from the river we got into open grass land, and here we formed a large square two deep. The Engineers [only the 5th Company, as the 2nd Company had been left on the other side of the river with a force guarding the laager] were in reserve on the front face, behind the Gatlings. About 8 o'clock large bodies of the enemy began to appear, both to the right and left of us, and soon after on our front also. We did not see any in our rear, but we heard afterwards from the garrison left behind in the laager, that a very large force, estimated at about 10,000 men, had passed down the valley of the river shortly after we had crossed.'.

'Altogether there were about 20,000 of the enemy present, but only about half of that number ever got close to us. At 8.50 a.m. our cavalry on the front and flanks became engaged, and about ten minutes after they had to retire on the main body and get inside the square. About this time the first bullets began to whistle about our heads. By 9.5 a.m. all four faces were attacked, and heavy fire opened by both sides. About 9.25 a.m. the pressure on the left of the face began to be rather great, and our company was moved there in support. At 9.35 a.m. the Zulus retired, and a few minutes afterwards the cavalry was sent out to follow them up.....Notwithstanding the somewhat heavy fire to which my company was exposed, we had only a serjeant wounded, and this seemed the more surprising, as a good many bullets struck the ground among us. The N.N. Pioneers next to us had 2 officers and 3 men hit, whilst the N.I behind us had 7 men hit.....About 11 o'clock the cavalry set fire to Ulundi, and the army was marched towards the kraal to see the burning.'

Extracts from the diary of Lieutenant R da C Porter RE, 5th Field Company

The Square at Ulundi

The Engineers within the square during the battle were Colonel Harrison, AQMG; Lieutenant W H James, on special service; Major Moysey; Captain Anstey; the 5th Company RE officered by Captain Jones, Major Chard, Lieutenants Porter and Commeline; Sergeant Wood (who was wounded during the battle) and six Sappers of the 7th Company.

In the laager on the other side of the river, the left, were - Captain D C Courtney; Lieutenants Haynes and Main of the 2nd Company and Lieutenant Macgregor of the C Troop.

Gatling Gun fired at Ulundi	Mahlabathini Plain after Ulundi
Both photographs taken by a RE Photographer - July 1879

British withdrawal from Zululand

In the weeks following Ulundi there were changes of pace in the progress of the war. Chelmsford had fought the final battle, Wolseley was taking the reins into his own hands and drafting a post-war settlement, Cetshwayo was still to be captured. It developed into an uneasy interim between the known and unknown, a "phoney post-war" situation. The army was being stripped of its battalions, some had started for home, some were marking time, others being prepared for the pursuit of Cetshwayo.

At St Paul's mission station, about 20 miles south of Ulundi, the 5th Field Company RE were recovering from the rigours of six months' duty in the field.

'Sir Evelyn Wood brought the Flying Column here and was met by Sir Garnet [Wolseley] and staff. We had a field day and were inspected, the opportunity being taken for Sir Garnet to present Chard with his Victoria Cross.'

letter home, Capt WP Jones, 2 August 1879

Captain Jones did not have long to wait before orders to march from St Paul's arrived by telegram on 15 August. One of his officers, Commeline, was detached for service at Pretoria; Porter, to Landsman's Drift to help with a trigonometrical survey of the approaches to Ulundi, with the intention of drawing an accurate map of Zululand. Each subaltern went off to his new assignment with a pair of horses, a mule-cart, a servant, and two grooms. On 16 August, Captain Jones, the only officer left with the 5th Company, rode out at the head of his men for Durban and embarkation to Cape Town.

The search and capture of Cetshwayo

On the 15th July 1879, Wolseley and Chelmsford met at St Paul's mission station. There Chelmsford submitted his resignation and began his return journey to Britain. Wolseley was now in command. He was worried that a fugitive Cetshwayo could be seen as a rallying point by inland and northern Zulus who had not submitted. Many of the coastal Zulus had surrendered. So with re-organised columns, Wolseley advanced on Ulundi but found no submissive Zulus as information had led him to believe. Two 7 pounder cannon lost at Isandlwana were found in a deserted kraal. Brought into Ulundi, they were placed at the base of a flagstaff outside Wolseley's tent.

Wolseley's main aim was to capture Cetshwayo. The countryside was scoured. On the 26th August information was received that Cetshwayo was believed to be heading for the Ngome Forest. He was eventually captured at a small kraal nestling near a rocky stream in a deep valley; a difficult area to reach, even the King was surprised the searching party had discovered him there. There was no resistance from the King's retainers who were few in number. Weapons, apparently spoils from Isandlwana, were found at the kraal. At 3.45 they struck out for Ulundi, but progress was slow and along the way three men and a woman of the King's party suddenly darted into the bush. One of the men got away and that night the escort was reinforced.

On the morning of Sunday, 31st August, King Cetshwayo re-entered his capital, Ulundi. He was noticed to have a depressed expression on his face as he surveyed the ruins, but quickly cast off the look and marched regally into the custody of Sir Garnet Wolseley. Some hours later he was despatched under escort to Cape Town - to imprisonment and exile.

The end of the Zulu War

On Monday 1st September, 1879, Wolseley announced his plans for the fate of Zululand. The Kingdom was divided into thirteen separate districts, each presided over by its own chief.

'John Dunn rules over one and I am highly amused at his first act of assuming power viz: an order that no missionaries will be allowed on his territory. This is out Cetywayoing Cetywayo. I think he is right if he has the power to carry the order thro; but there will be such a howl from Exeter Hall & the large sanctified element of England and the colonies...'.

Captain WP Jones, letter to Mr Jackson, 21st Sept.

There was still some resistance and on 8th September, a week after war had officially ended, Colonel E W Bray of the 2nd Battalion, 4th (King's Own Royal) Regiment led a force comprising three companies of the 2nd/4th Foot, a detachment of Royal Engineers and a party of irregular horse against the leader of the resistance, Manyayoba. A brief skirmish took place in which two non-commissioned officers of the 2nd/4th fell, before the RE succeeded in blowing up the caves, the stronghold of the armed resistance. The British and Colonial Forces had sustained their last casualties and the war was finally over.

Group of unidentified Royal Engineer Non Commissioned Officers (NCOs)
Photograph taken by a RE Photographer

Waiting for a passage to England, Captain Jones wrote home from Natal:

'I have been drilling the men every other morning and they are up to mark & fit for any inspection. The Chatham recruits you saw have become seasoned men, all the new frocks had to be let out round the chest & let in at the waist; a very good proof of the improved physique of the men. Then they have also improved in character, I have had none of those drunken scenes lately. Tho very anxious to get back to England, I shall be very sorry to leave the company I have had right through the war, especially as I am proud of it as it now stands on parade. I doubt there being a sounder company in the Corps.'

Captain WP Jones to Mr Jackson 21st Sept 1879

Before Captain Jones got to Cape Town he prepared himself for a more sociable life by shaving off his beard on board ship. He wanted to arrive at Cape Town in his normal state and hoped to get a room and begin his "fifteen shirts a fortnight" life.

Cape Town life included a grand picnic up Table Mountain with Colonel Hassard and family and the eldest Miss Frere. Captain Jones and fellow officers were introduced to town society, visited country houses with pretty gardens and lawn tennis courts, and took lunch at Government House.

'14 December 79, The Castle, Capetown.
My orders to return home have come & Capt Moore RE is on his way out to take my place.....The climate is splendid, so much cooler & better than Natal or Zululand, & we now have unlimited strawberries in season - Polo twice a week is also an institution & my roan cob is to the fore there - the Freres are very sociable, I have been to Govt. House a good deal lately. The 4 girls are very plain, tho' clever and agreeable. One of them is a born artist & sketches better than any amateur I have ever met.

Sir Garnet managed to capture Secocoeni well, he had an enormous force at his disposal, about 3 times as many men as the enemy. Now comes the hard nut he has to crack viz. "The Transvaal". The Boers will rise, if they were not convinced that we are too strong for them, but they must know it would be useless & therefore will, I think, have the sense to submit.'